BREAKING NEWS
Showing posts with label Sex. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Sex. Show all posts

Thursday, 14 March 2013

Let's Talk About Bareback

Apologies for the lack of posts recently.  I'd like to say I'll be back posting regularly, but until I get back on track with various writing commitments, I'm afraid I will probably continue to be a little sporadic with my posting.  Let's begin then with a topic that continues to fascinate me, and which I regard as a key issue concerning contemporary gay identity, and the regulation of identity, bareback sex.

I finally for around to watching the How to Survive a Plague documentary.  I'd been really excited about watching it and found it a very emotionally draining documentary.   That said, I think it would have been a little shorter, and it did seem at times to lack the energy that was suggested in the trailer.  The "plague" moment from Kramer - which seems to dramatic in the trailer - actually sent a shiver down my spine when shown in context.  The descent into chaos, argument, and division will be familiar to anyone involved in gay politics and campaigning. Kramer's eruption, and genuine passion - shown in that context - is all the more powerful and underlines the importance of that unifying voice.  The documentary also helped to clarify in my mind the role of TAG in relation to Act Up!  A post on the Petrelis Files blog in recent days reveals how TAG continue to be a controversial group, and this documentary again helps younger gay men like myself to understand those historical tensions.

The documentary also left me wondering whether in the long run, it was worth it.  The trials that people pushed for, didn't work, and the documentary seemed to suggest that actually we would have got to the same destination whether there had been any intervention by the LGBT community or not.  Potentially incendiary stuff.   On a personal level, the documentary persuaded me to order a HIV home testing kit.   If it does nothing else, but inspire many viewers to do that, I suspect the film-makers will be pleased.

A really interesting post on BuzzFeed also caught my attention.  It's a blog by Kyle Bella who wonders why it's so hard to talk about bareback sex.  After all, we know more and more men who have sex with men, are having that sex without condoms.  Bareback is - I would argue - already normative in gay pornography, and will - if it isn't already - become normative in sexual practice.  We also see HIV rates continuing to rise, creating ever more socio-legal pressure for responses, health-policy responses such as we've seen in LA regarding pornography, and also specific campaigns such as that currently being waged against bareback company Treasure Island Media (albeit a particularly botched effort).

The puzzlement of Bella is - I suspect - shared by some, but I think most people know the reasons.  The trouble is the reasons are inconvenient, both politically and in policy terms.   If for example, we accept that bareback sex feels better - that it is a much more sensory engaging experience, then the arguments of safer sex campaigners over recent years will be seen as being less than completely honest.  It is also an emotionally different experience, and this again is not truly engaged with by many campaigners.

Our continued socio-legal pre-occupation with bareback sex, also furthers any fetishisation of bareback sex, whilst - and I can't emphasis this enough - the failure of large sections of 'our' community to be dropping dead from bareback sex, or popping up on a Friday night in a club looking like hell, dying from AIDS makes any 'HIV is a bad thing' message difficult to deliver.  Not that anyone has been trying to.  Recent years have seen campaigns focus on testing, and HIV campaigners seem more focused on discrimination than health needs (all of which fuels silence about being positive, or knowing if one is positive).

Then we have direct attempts to silence debates around bareback. This has taken the form of attempts to snuff out companies like Treasure Island Media (which I would suggest reflect back the reality of our sexual play) and, as this Queerty story revealed last month, Facebook banning a page about bareback (after it hit 20,000 likes).

Can we all honestly state whether we engage in bareback sex, and why?  I don't think our culture currently allows for that.  If we can't even be honest about our own behaviours, we are not going to get to grips with this subject.

Wednesday, 30 January 2013

Your Mother Liked It Bareback

Mark S King has written an absolutely brilliant piece on bareback sex.  You can check it out here.  He responds to some of the recent stories about bareback sex and contextualises it in a medical and cultural framework.  I can't recommend it enough.

Monday, 21 January 2013

Gender, Sex and Power: Seminar Series

The wonderful Rob Clucas at the University of Hull has organised what looks like a really interesting seminar series.  it's called Gender, Sex and Power and the details can be seen below:


Monday, 10 December 2012

Sex in the Library

Exam season is upon us.  Students busy themselves revising all hours of the day in the libraries, often looking for distraction in the form of Facebook, Twitter, vending machines, idle gossip and - according to some San Francisco news columns - sex.

As if librarians didn't have enough to worry about already with the risk of drink spillages.  They now face the added threat from...well, you can imagine the rest.

SF Weekly picks up the story, including a link to the piece which kicked the online rumble off; a piece in the UC Berkley student newspaper in which a student wrote in favour of sex in the library.  This sparked some interesting reaction  - notably from one of the Berkley librarians.

Sex in University libraries is nothing new.  I've often observed in research talks on my own public sex research that websites in most international cities suggest college campuses - notably libraries - are where it's at.  Laud Humphreys - the Godfather of public sex research - devoted an entire article to the subject.

Thursday, 6 December 2012

Same Sex Marriage and the De-sexing of the Homosexual

The Home Office, the Sunday Times (£) reported this week, have got themselves into a bit of a pickle when it comes to their same-sex marriage proposals.   They report that:

'Civil servants have been considering the intricacies of gay sex for months and have taken evidence from sex experts and gay rights organisations in an attempt to define consummation between two women and between two men.'

Gay Star News picked up the story later in the week, and reproduces much of the story for those who don't have access via the ST paywall.  Both pieces report that 'ministers have opted to leave the matter to judges to define'.  Which sounds like some decision, until you go back to the original proposals.

Speaking of which,  back in March of this year - when the Government published their initial proposals - I raised the issue of consummation as a potential difficulty.

The original proposals stated that: 'Specifically, non-consummation and adultery are currently concepts that are defined in case law and apply only to marriage law, not civil partnership law. However, with the removal of the ban on same-sex couples having a civil marriage, these concepts will apply equally to same-sex and opposite-sex couples and case law may need to develop, over time, a definition as to what constitutes same-sex consummation and same-sex adultery.'

Nine months ago I commented that:  'This is a polite way of saying that the law tends to think of consummation in terms of penile/vaginal penetration (although no orgasm or ejaculation is needed). This paragraph in the consultation is the equivalent of lifting a giant rug, shoving half-baked proposals under it, and hoping that nobody will notice. We did. This could have significant implications for different-sex marriage and the Government knows that but doesn't want to get into that debate. We should.'

I'm rather puzzled what those civil servants have been doing for the last few months as we seem back to precisely the same position.  The rug remains on standby, the law likely to be fudged.  The only winners of such a fudge will be the lawyers able to now spin-out cases of annulment.  Academics will have a nice new exam or coursework question, and topic for tutorial discussions.

As I've argued before, recent decades have witnessed the careful de-sexing of the homosexual, as a right-based narrative has come to dominate legal discourse over one of sexual liberation.  This marriage proposals carry a real risk of reminding people that people choosing to enter into same-sex marriage may also want to have sex.  The idea that "I don't care what people do, so long as it's behind closed doors" (a position first heard in public policy terms via the Parliamentary debates in the wake of the 1967 Sexual Offences Act) is directly challenged by the necessity to understand what people do.

This necessitates a benchmarking of sexual identity against sexual acts.  It seeks to establish a homonormative understanding of sex.  For 'gay' men, presumably this means buggery.  Anal penetration by one, by the other.  What of a couple of that prefer sex toys?  Would that be enough.  What of - shock horror - the gay male couple who actually don't enjoy anal sex, and don't engage in it.  Would oral sex be enough?  Would frottage?  Presumably not, as the government rationale is to put 'heterosexual' and 'homosexual' marriage on the same footing.  So buggery it is.  Well, if the courts decide.

The problem is it turns out that some homosexuals are rather inconveniently women.   They don't have a penis.  Civil Service brain can not compute.  Do we therefore have different definitions for lesbians to men.  Does there need to be some form of penetration?  Will our illustrious judges find themselves pondering how far a tongue must penetrate a vagina in order for it to amount to penetration?  Will it count if a dental dam is deployed?

Ah, the legal joys to come thanks to a failure to take a decision now.  The law can not avoid this debate.  The Government is simply kicking the can down the road in a hope that nobody will notice.  They are failing us, and we shouldn't let them get away with it.

Wednesday, 7 November 2012

A conservative night for America?

It's a question I found myself pondering as the markets and world digest the results from last night.  By which I mean, four more years for Obama as President, a Republican House and a Democrat Senate.  Several billion dollars later, and we're seemingly back where we started.  Obama teased supporters with claims of 'the best is still to come', but unlike the Parliamentary system of government, he is limited by a legislature which was seemingly broken before the election, and is likely to remain broken when the new Congress take up their seats in January.

Moreover, America is still staring down the barrel of a gun at a budget crisis which needs resolving before the year is out.

I made clear yesterday my support for Obama, and my expectation that he would indeed win.  Yet, four years on from his first victory, warm words and promises are not enough for this observer.  His promise to LGBT voters (seen on this page of his website) was just one commitment - to not be Mitt Romney.  Beyond that, he made not one pledge on LGBT rights.  Yes, he's better than Romney.  Yes, Romney would have been bad news for LGBT rights, but that doesn't mean I'm not going to keep poking Obama with a stick.

The Supreme Court

So what's coming up?  Perry and the issue of constitutionality and same-sex marriage is heading to the Supreme Court.  Supreme Court Justice, Ruth Ginsberg, has indicated she's considering standing down (she's 79) and that means a moderate Democrat could replace her in this Presidential term.  The question is whether to risk waiting until the mid-terms and the hope of Democrats re-taking the House.  Of course, they could end up losing the Senate so I'd expect a new Supreme Court Justice appointment sooner rather than later.  This offers an opportunity to renew the status quo.  Scalia will be 80 in four years time and a Democrat Presidential victory in 2016 could offer an opportunity to re-balance the Court, but it's unlikely - it seems to me - to happen before then.  All of which matters, when deciding issues such as same-sex rights, and the continued debates around abortion.  Better preserve the status quo than end up having a clear Republican-controlled Supreme Court (as would have been likely with a Romney victory).

The Result

The American electoral college system means that Obama won convincingly, and also won measured by the popular vote.  However, the votes in individual States were very close and if anything served to illustrate just how divided socially, politically, and economically America is in 2012.  It's going to take more than fine oratory to fix it.

Nonetheless, as this campaign advanced (and with some gentle prodding from the Vice President), Obama seems to have increasingly found a voice on LGBT issues as he recognised the need to energise his base and re-create the coalition of voters that elected him back in 2008.   Hopefully, this will continue in office, combining hard-policy with cultural leadership.

Coupled with the ticking bomb of a demography shift between now and 2016, and no election will ever be the same again.  Some Republicans- notably Jeb Bush - understand this and have spoken eloquently of the need to change, but the dominant Tea Party tendency does not.  Just as with the British Conservative Party, they have established themselves as 'the nasty party' in the minds of many and will need to modernise and re-cast themselves in 2016.  If they want to be in with a shot in 2016, they need to take some quantum leaps on social issues -such as same-sex marriage, and also on race.  If they fail to do so, they will never hold the Presidency again.

A Representative Breakthrough?

We can rejoice in some truly wonderful results.  Tammy Baldwin (who I mentioned in my post yesterday) made history by becoming the first out Senator-elect.  Well done Wisconsin!  She is replaced in her House seat by openly gay man Mark Pocan.  They are among a number of openly gay men and women who were elected at a Federal and State level.   This is important not only for having strong LGBT voices in elected politics, not only for having people in office who 'get it', but also for providing visible role-models to LGBT youth and for creating visible community leaders who happen to identify as LGBT.  They are creating change legally, and also socially.

However, we shouldn't get carried away.  Michele Bachmann, former candidate for the Republican nomination - and someone who seems bat shit crazy to many European eyes - narrowly won in Minnesota.

Ballot Measures:  Marriage

Beyond the national race a series of ballot measures took place which are likely to deliver transformative change to millions.   Maine, Maryland and Washington have all voted in favour of introducing same-sex marriage in state ballots.  Minnesota (the same state that re-elected Bachmann) faced a vote on amending the constitution to effectively ban same-sex marriage and the amendment was rejected.  A clean sweep for LGBT campaigners.  Add in two states - Washington and Colorado - legalising the recreational use of marijuana, and you could be forgiven for thinking that America had suddenly swerved towards a liberal future.

Ballot Measures:  Sex Trafficking

However, take a look at what might be called a Democrat state - California - and you  see a different picture.  A measure to finally remove the death penalty was rejected whilst a new measure to toughen the law on sex trafficking (and arguably creating more problems than it solves in relation to sex work) was passed.

The official (and impartial) advice set out the implications of passing the measure on trafficking:

This measure makes several changes to state law related to human trafficking. Specifically, it (1) expands the definition of human trafficking, (2) increases the punishment for human trafficking offenses, (3) imposes new fines to fund services for human trafficking victims, (4) changes how evidence can be used against human trafficking victims, and (5) requires additional law enforcement training on handling human trafficking cases. The measure also places additional requirements on sex offender registrants.

Expanded Definition of Human Trafficking. This measure amends the definition of human trafficking under state law. Specifically, the measure defines more crimes related to the creation and distribution of obscene materials depicting minors as a form of human trafficking. For example, duplicating or selling these obscene materials could be considered human trafficking even if the offender had no contact with the minor depicted. In addition, with regard to sex trafficking cases involving minors, prosecutors would not have to show that force or coercion occurred. (This would make state law similar to federal law.)

More Severe Criminal Penalties for Human Trafficking. This measure increases the current criminal penalties for human trafficking under state law. For example, the measure increases the prison sentence for labor trafficking crimes to a maximum of 12 years per offense, and for sex trafficking of adults to up to 20 years per offense. Sex trafficking of minors that involved force or fraud would be punishable by up to a life term in prison. In addition, the measure specifies that offenders convicted of human trafficking with previous convictions for human trafficking receive additional five-year prison terms for each of those prior convictions. Under the measure, offenders convicted of human trafficking that resulted in great bodily injury to the victim could be punished with additional terms of up to ten years. The measure also permits criminal courts to impose fines of up to $1.5 million for human trafficking offenses.

Programs for Human Trafficking Victims. The measure requires that the funds collected from the above fines support services for victims of human trafficking. Specifically, 70 percent of funds would be allocated to public agencies and nonprofit organizations that provide direct services to such victims. The measure requires that the remaining 30 percent be provided to law enforcement and prosecution agencies in the jurisdiction where the charges were filed and used for human trafficking prevention, witness protection, and rescue operations.

Changes Affecting Court Proceedings. The measure also affects the trial of criminal cases involving charges of human trafficking. Specifically, the measure prohibits the use of evidence that a person was involved in criminal sexual conduct (such as prostitution) to prosecute that person for that crime if the conduct was a result of being a victim of human trafficking. The measure also makes evidence of sexual conduct by a victim of human trafficking inadmissible for the purposes of attacking the victim’s credibility or character in court. In addition, this measure disallows certain defenses in human trafficking cases involving minors. For example, a defendant could not claim as a defense being unaware of the minor’s age.

Law Enforcement Training. This measure requires all peace officers employed by police and sheriff’s departments and the California Highway Patrol (CHP) who perform field or investigative work to undergo at least two hours of training on how to handle human trafficking complaints. This training would have to be completed by July 1, 2014 or within six months of the officer being assigned to the field or investigative work.

 Expanded Requirements for Sex Offender Registration. This measure requires registered sex offenders to provide the names of their internet providers and identifiers to local police or sheriff’s departments. Such identifiers include e-mail addresses, user names, screen names, or other personal identifiers for internet communication and activity. If a registrant changes his or her internet service account or changes or adds an internet identifier, the individual must notify law enforcement within 24 hours of such changes.

Although undoubtedly well meaning, the measure has the effect of extending the definition of 'trafficking' to extend those acts which people would not ordinarily consider to be part of the same legal problem.  Consensual sex work arguably falls within the ambit of the measure and anyone receiving financial benefit from this activity could be prosecuted and forced to register as a sex offender.  It's badly drafted and could have a series of unintended consequences.

Ballot Measures: Condoms in Porn

In LA County, the much-discussed 'condom measure' was passed.  With 55.85% in favour, Measure B.  Here's what the 'official' advice stated on this measure:

The proposed amendment would require producers of adult films to obtain a public health permit from the Los Angeles County Department of Public Health (the "Department") in order to engage in the production of adult films for commercial purposes, and to pay a permit fee set by the Department to offset the cost of enforcement. The measure would require the use of condoms for all acts of anal or vaginal sex during the production of adult films, as well as the posting of both the public health permit and a notice to performers regarding condom use. Producers are required to provide a written exposure control plan describing how the ordinance will be implemented. A "producer" means any person or entity that produces, finances or directs adult films for commercial purposes. 

Violation of the ordinance would be subject to both civil fines and criminal misdemeanor charges. The Department would be authorized to enforce the provisions of the ordinance, including suspending or revoking the public health permit due to violations of the ordinance, or any other law including applicable provisions of the Health and Safety Code, blood borne pathogen standard, California Code of Regulations, or the exposure plan of the producer. Suspension or revocation of the public health permit requires notice and an opportunity for an administrative review, unless the Department found or reasonably suspected immediate danger to the public health and safety, in which case the Department could immediately suspend or revoke the public health permit, initiate a criminal complaint, or issue a fine, pending an administrative hearing. 

The measure, if approved by the voters, may only be repealed by a subsequent vote of the electors or by an amendment of the Los Angeles County Charter superseding the ordinance. The Board of Supervisors is authorized to amend the ordinance by a majority vote in order to further the purposes of the measure.

As I've previously speculated, where LA goes, other may follow.  It is not a California-wide ban, and it will be interesting to see how it operates in practice.  Presumably, some stimulation will be provided to the local economy as the County looks to hire condom inspectors who can monitor the new law.  Unfortunately, any such economic stimulus is likely to be off-set by the exodus of studios as they look elsewhere to film there porn.  Consumers continue to have a clear preference for condomless porn, and so this measure will simply relocate the production of porn, rather than change it.

I'm particularly curious to see if anywhere else seeks to replicate the law.

A conservative settlement?

For Brit observers, you might want to reflect on that powerful speech line deployed by Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron - "So I don't support gay marriage despite being a Conservative. I support gay marriage because I am a Conservative" - as a reminder that the marriage issue can be re-defined not as an issue of the left, but as a very conservative institution.  I've explored this previously in a HuffPo piece you can check out here.

As much as the same-sex marriage ballot results are victories for the LGBT community, they should also indicate the need for a debate and recognition of plurality when it comes to the expression of identity.  The embrace of domesticity and a very heteronormative concept of marriage holds less appeal to all those queer sluts out there - their identity apparently cast as increasingly embarrassing and a source of discomfort more generally (take the moves to ban nudity in the Castro as but one illustrative example).

Last night and the results that continued to filter through today were truly great for the LGBT community - rightly a source of celebration.  However, let us not lose sight of the battles ahead and the debates the LGBT 'community' must face up to as legal reforms create new social - and indeed legal - pressures and questions that we must all respond to.   We live in an age of increased acceptance of the homosexual identity, but increased silence about homosexual sex.  A curious division of the homo and the sexual, and one that some are starting to debate, discuss and consider (see here)

Monday, 5 November 2012

New Resource: Queer Sex Work

Nicki Smith at Birmingham University has launched a new website:  Queer Sex Work. It's for anyone and everyone who is interested in issues about being and doing ‘queer’ in the sex industry: sex workers, activists, researchers, students, practitioners and anyone else who is interested in exploring, discussing, debating, or learning more about the diversity of queer identities, practices, politics and scholarship in and about the sex industry. The site is designed to be as inclusive as possible of different voices, experiences and identities, and to be a space for dialogue and of mutual respect. It includes research resources, policy and activism links, and links to support services, together with regular posts on projects, publications, people and events.

Check it out here.

Thursday, 9 August 2012

Reflections and future legal directions after #porntrial

Many superb commentators have already entered the fray of commenting upon the decision in R v Walsh.  Heresy Corner,  Myles Jackman, Alex Dymock, and David Allen Green should all be read at once, if you've not already done so.

I also need to declare my own interest, in that I had a very tiny role in the case as an expert witness, alongside my wonderful Sunderland colleague, Clarissa Smith.  The CPS must be wondering what they put in the water at Sunderland Uni.

Brit readers should also check out the lovely and eloquent Simon Walsh speaking last night on the BBC's Newsnight programme.  It's a very balanced interview and strikes a friendly, sometimes light, but never flippant tone.  A tribute to the presenter Eddie Mair (who is also gay).

I do not propose to re-state the facts, as they have been stated elsewhere, but whilst those descriptions have constructed the images as representing fisting, urethral sounds and one astonishing accusation of child pornography, I've been struck by the lack of mention of scat, which also featured in the fisting images.

Shit-play or sexual play incorporating excrement also characterised the fisting images and whilst the focus has been on injury, I always felt that the issue that might affect a jury more was that of 'disgust' - a term utilised in the Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008, and part of the tests a jury must satisfy.  Representing - quite literally - the 'dirty', the 'unclean', this was for me the issue that a jury might find the most difficult to comprehend, and the most likely to cause discomfort.

Oh ye of little faith.  The jury demonstrated - in a unanimous verdict - that they did not find such an image 'grossly offensive, disgusting or otherwise of an obscene character' (within the meaning of S63(6)(b)) and so whilst the focus has been on fisting, I think the acceptance of scat images is just as  - if not more - significant.

If we position R v Walsh alongside the case of R v Peacock, concerning a prosecution (again, for fisting images) under the Obscene Publications Act 1959, we might conclude that fisting has now been rejected under both frameworks.  It would however, be a mistake to assume that the CJIA has been neutered.

The defence expert witnesses (myself and Dr Smith) both argued that the images of urethral sounds and fisting were not pornographic.  This is the first element that needs to be satisfied under the CJIA 'extreme' porn law.

Section 63(3) states:  An image is “pornographic” if it is of such a nature that it must reasonably be assumed to have been produced solely or principally for the purpose of sexual arousal.

The images concerned in this case were of an amateur nature, described by the defendant of mementos of private parties.  As such, they were documenting encounters which were of themselves, entirely legal.  They were not solely or principally produced for the purpose of sexual arousal.  Consequently, they failed this first test.  The CPS in contrast argued that it was obvious "as a pikestaff" that they were pornographic images.  The languages of the Act means that it is far from clear (and arguably non-intuitive given our broader cultural understanding of pornography).  Moreover, the same argument could not have been advanced if these were images/video produced by a porn studio - that would clearly be 'pornographic' but might still fall outside of the other tests aspects.  In Peacock, the fisting porn was commercial so we are arguably still clearer about where fisting stands in relation to the OPA than under the CJIA.

On we move to the second issue of whether the image is 'extreme namely grossly offensive, disgusting, or otherwise of an obscene character'.  Here we have a judgement for a jury and a legislative section which is appallingly drafted.  'Extreme' does not - I would suggest - equate to 'disgusting'.  I am 'disgusted' when I see sick in the street, the residue of someone having consumed a dodgy kebab and/or too much booze the night before.  I would not however regard an image of the said vomit as 'extreme'.

The law was designed to criminalise a particular type of image.  It had been the successful lobbying by radical feminists on the last government and a tragic murder which led to the current bad law.

Back in 2003, Graham Coutts was convicted of murdering Jane Longhurst. Wikipedia picks up the story... 'At his murder trial, Coutts confessed to a long-standing neck fetish and obsession with strangulation. His testimony, confirmed by other witnesses, stated that he had engaged in breath control play with several consenting partners on many occasions without incident over several years. He had spoken with his GP about his fixation and sought the help of a psychiatrist three years before the killing. Eventually, he started to access violent pornography on the Internet (especially simulated strangulation, rape and necrophilia). He had downloaded a collection of strangulation images the day before Jane's death. This, according to the prosecution, had caused his dangerous sexual behaviour and murderous intent. Critics of the prosecution's argument doubt this explanation, since the behaviour preceded the exposure to such pornography by about five years. No evidence of premeditation was presented to the jury. Mr. Coutts testified that he wrapped a pair of nylon tights around Ms. Longhurst's neck as part of a consensual sexual practice known as erotic asphyxia, which he had undertaken on numerous previous occasions with several different partners. The prosecution claimed that he had invited her to his flat under false pretences, then attacked her.'

Coutts was found to have 69 violent pornographic images on his computer and the argument was that it was this violent pornography which had fuelled his desire, and thus led to the killing of Jane Longhurst.  The logic therefore of a new 'extreme' porn law was to prevent other people being murdered by someone who becomes stimulated into such desires via pornography.

However flawed that rationale - and it seems pretty flawed to me - it is a similar rationale to child porn laws, but has had a far wider application.  You might - quite reasonably - assume that Parliament did not intend to criminalise men consensually fisting one another when they passed this law, but Walsh  - and the failure to demonstrate any regrets abut bringing the case by the CPS - highlights that the CPS do not accept such a narrow focus of the legislation.  The very fears that those who campaigned against the legislation expressed, have been realised, and will I fear, be subsequently further demonstrated.

The third element for consideration is whether 'the image portrays in an explicit and realisitc way any of the extreme acts sex out in section 63(7).  These consist of:

(a) an act which threatens a person's life,
(b) an act which results, or is likely to result, in serious injury to a person's anus, breasts or genitals,
(c) an act which involves sexual interference with a human corpse, or
(d) a person performing an act of intercourse or oral sex with an animal (whether dead or alive),and a reasonable person looking at the image would think that any such person or animal was real.

In R v Walsh, (b) was arguably the relevant provision and this is for a jury to decide within the ordinary meaning of the term.  Consequently, opposing medical evidence was marshaled by both sides in Walsh, although the CPS expert seemed to suggest that penetrating the anus with anything beyond six inches was akin to taking one's life in one's own hands.   A line which the less-well endowed men of a gay village near you might be trying out soon:  "you don't want that hung like a donkey stud over there, my 3 inches of moderate pleasure are within the safety parameters".  On second thoughts, perhaps not.

It is of course easy to joke about the case.  So much about it was utterly absurd.  Yet, at the heart of the case was a man whose life was turned upside down.  Throughout the case, Simon displayed remarkable fortitude.  He was of course represented by a terrific team, and Myles Jackman in particular should be congratulated for his work as the solicitor in the case.  Whilst we comment and reflect, Simon must pick up the pieces of his life, and try and glue them back together.

Where now?

Alex Dymock has suggested this evening, that 'It becomes difficult to imagine, after Simon Walsh's landmark acquittal on all counts, under what circumstances charges relating to possession of extreme pornography may be brought to the crown court again, but it seems the CPS has a rather prurient interest in bringing other people's private sex lives to light and persecuting them for it.'

I'm not so sure.  As another law colleague, Gary McLachlan noted in a comment on this blog earlier this evening, it's possible that the CPS might bring a case in which HIV transmission is depicted so as to constitute extreme pornography.

It's certainly easy to envisage a scenario under the CJIA - and one which would attract few defenders.  Two consenting male adults.  Both are HIV negative.  Both desire to become 'pozed up'.  Both enjoy bareback sex.  They organise a bareback party, at which only HIV positive men are invited.  They record the party in photos and video in order to share it on their blog for other men who are aroused at the prospect of becoming HIV positive.  One of the 'couple' becomes HIV positive from the encounters at the party.  The video is retained on the hard-disk of the negative partner and the pair split up.  The negative partner retains his sexual desire to become positive and regularly watches the video - alongside other similar videos that friends share on websites and through file-sharing sites - while he masturbates.  The said individual comes to the attention of the police following a child pornography prosecution.  Our negative man was a Skype contact for a man charged for being in possession of child pornography.  The police raid the property of our negative man.  They find no child pornography but do find a series of videos of videos and photographs from the party described above and footage from other parties.  They also discover that the defendant has been hosting a website for the images.  He is charged under the extreme pornography provisions.

Does it sound that far-fetched?  Are you certain of what would happen?

I do however think that Dymock is write in that R v Walsh does reduce the scope for cases under the CJIA.  That could however force the CPS to look more at the OPA.  Following R v Peacock, a number of people - including myself - expected the CPS to revise their guidelines on prosecution.  They didn't.

Let's therefore revisit those guidelines - which are available here.  Here's the key section:

'It is impossible to define all types of activity which may be suitable for prosecution. The following is not an exhaustive list but indicates the categories of material most commonly prosecuted:

  • sexual act with an animal 
  • realistic portrayals of rape 
  • sadomasochistic material which goes beyond trifling and transient infliction of injury 
  • torture with instruments 
  • bondage (especially where gags are used with no apparent means of withdrawing consent) 
  • dismemberment or graphic mutilation 
  • activities involving perversion or degradation (such as drinking urine, urination or vomiting on to the body, or excretion or use of excreta) 
  • fisting 

Unless any of the factors listed above are present within the given case, the Crown Prosecution Service will not normally advise proceedings in respect of material portraying the following: actual consensual sexual intercourse (vaginal or anal) oral sex masturbation mild bondage simulated intercourse or buggery fetishes which do not encourage physical abuse. Previously buggery involving humans (whether consensual or not) was regarded as suitable for prosecution under section 2 of the Obscene Publications Act 1959. Now, buggery per se between consenting adults is not regarded as suitable for prosecution under section 2. This includes consensual anal penetration in a situation involving simultaneous double penetration (anal and vaginal) between two men and a woman. However, a depiction of buggery would be regarded as obscene for the purposes of section 2 where one or more of the aggravating features set out above are present. Therefore, depictions of non-consensual buggery will still be regarded as section 2 material.'

So, we know fisting images would not now proceed to prosecution, but the guidelines need amending.  We do however have explicit reference in the guidelines to scat play - a feature of the images in R v Walsh.  Although that case was brought under the CJIA, it will be interesting to see if it influences the CPS in their interpretation  -and any revision to - their guidelines in relation to the OPA.  The CPS barrister did after all argue in Walsh that the images were 'degrading' and would be more so if they involved a woman.  If a scat photograph - this time comprising of a woman - formed part of an investigation, would the CPS now feel it inappropriate to bring a case (on the basis that they are unlikely to secure a conviction)?  I'm still not sure.

Walsh is a significant, and welcome, decision.   It is a victory, but the battle goes on.
 
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